The following is a post I first wrote about a year into my blogging, back in 2006 (started blogging in 2005). I like to introduce folks to this every now and then because it serves, theologically, as the impetus that led me to the mood of evangelical Calvinism I am in now. As you read this you will see some things that might not jive exactly with the theology I currently promote here at the blog,Ā and in our Evangelical Calvinism book; but there is lots of constructive material available here that I think can be fitted together with some of the contours of thought and theological theses
that we have in evangelical Calvinism (as articulated by Myk Habets and myself in our āthesesā chapter in our book). Also, beware that as you read this there are some spelling and grammar errors, as well as bibliographic formation problems. I plan on following up this post with another one that gets further into the issue of ācreated graceā (that you will see mentioned in this postāI have that section emboldened below). Here we go:
Here is a brief sketch to a historical system of theology that I was first introduced to while in seminary, under the tutelage ofĀ Dr. Ron Frost. This theology is known as Affective Theology (or even Free Grace Theologyānot of the Zane Hodgesā style. I am a proponent of this form of theological engagement (qualified at a few points, I actually like to assimilate this with the “Scottish Theology” of Thomas F. Torrance), and believe that it beautifully captures the intention of scripture relative to things salvific and Godās nature. This framework was communicated in Puritan England by people such as Richard Sibbes and William Erbery amongst others. This was a movement that was responding to the stringent āprecianismā of Federal Theology (Calvinism) articulated by fellows such as William Perkins and William Aames. Notice a testimonial offered by a man named Humphrey Mills, someone who knew what it meant to live under the unbearable burden of the moralistic proving ground spawned by the inevitable consequence of āPerseverance of the Saintsā and āLimited Atonement/Electionā, here he speaks in his own words about the freedom of conscience he finally felt under the teaching/preaching of Sibbes:
I was for three years together wounded for sins, and under a sense of my corruptions, which were many; and I followed sermons, pursuing the means, and was constant in duties and doing: looking for Heaven that way. And then I was so precise for outward formalities, that I censured all to be reprobates, that wore their hair anything long, and not short above the ears; or that wore great ruffs, and gorgets, or fashions, and follies. But yet I was distracted in my mind, wounded in conscience, and wept often and bitterly, and prayed earnestly, but yet had no comfort, till I heard that sweet saint . . . Doctor Sibbs, by whose means and ministry I was brought to peace and joy in my spirit. His sweet soul-melting Gospel-sermons won my heart and refreshed me much, for by him I saw and had muchof God and was confident in Christ, and could overlook the world . . . My heart held firm and resolved and my desires all heaven-ward.[1]
Hereās a heart freed from the constant burden of looking to self for assurance of salvation; and prompted to look up to Christ for freedom and salvation.
Sibbes was one of the key-note articulates against the popery he observed with the moralistic tradition provided framework through the Calvinist doctrines. Sibbes believed, along with others, that external works should never be the basis for assurance of salvationāin fact Sibbes believed that assurance of salvation should not even be a functional premise within a soteriological construct; such as Calvinism provided. Sibbes was part of a movement known as Free-Grace, this was ā . . . the party of Puritans who opposed any idea that grace is conditioned by human cooperation.ā (Frost, The Devoted Life, 81). Notice this quote offered by William Erbery, a contemporary of Sibbes, as he discusses progression of Purtian thought ending with that kind of Free-Grace preaching exemplified most clearly by Sibbes, note:
I observed four great steps of Godās glorious appearance in menās preaching. First, how low and legal were their teachings as they learned the way of preaching from Mr. Perkins, Bolton, Byfield and Dod and Dike. . . . Next the doctrine of free grace came forth, but with less success or fruit of conversion by Doctor Preston, Sibs [Sibbes], [and] Crisp. . . . Thirdly the letter of scripture, and flesh of Christ hath been highly set up by both the famous Goodwins: . . . [Thomas] excels in spiritual discourses of Christās death, resurrection, ascension, and intercession, yet much according to the flesh, for he meddles not with the mystery of Christ in us. . . . [The fourth step] is the knowledge of Christ in the Spirit.[2]
As Erbery highlights, Sibbesā, amongst the other Free-Grace teachers, was not taken as seriously as the predominate moralistic (Calvinist) teachers, i.e. Perkins, Bolton, et al. But notice where Erberyās quote leaves off, āthe knowledge of Christ in the Spiritā, to this we now turn. This is an important point of departure for the teaching of Affective Theology, as defined by Sibbes, i.e. the immediacy of the Holy Spirit in the personās life.
While Sibbes believed works were an aspect of salvation, he did not believe that these should be a barometer for determining a personās salvation. Furthermore he believed constant obsession with such thinking was a product of an unscriptural understanding foisted on the laity of Puritan England by the Calvinist Divines. Note Ron Frostās assessment of Sibbesā approach here:
While Sibbes acknowledged some biblical support in calling Christians to obedience as a duty (Erberyās category of ālow and legalā preaching) Sibbes clearly understood that duty can only be sustained if it is supported by the motivation of desire. Thus Sibbes featured Godās winsome love more than his power: the Spirit accomplishes both conversion and sanctification by a single means: through the revelation of Godās attractiveness by an immediate, personal disclosure. This unmediated initiative was seen to be the means by which God draws a response of heartfelt devotion from the elect.ā[3]
Notice the relational nature of the salvific event, the Holy Spirit comes to the heart of the āelectā and showers the heart of the sinner with the beautiful person of Jesus Christ. It is as the heart of the sinner is enflamed a love by the work of the Holy Spirit that the sinner responds back in loveāgiven the overwhelming attractiveness of the sweet Savior. Another thing of note, is that the primary instrument used for disclosing sweet Jesus to the heart of the sinner is through the Holy Scriptures. Furthermore, notice the centrality that heart, motive, and desire play in the thought of Sibbesā as articulated by Frost. This to me is very important, because it takes seriously what God takes seriously, and alone searches, the hearts and motives of men (see Jer. 17:9 and many other passages). This is Godās concern, the motives, and desires of men and women; this is contrary to the system that emphasized external moralistic duties as the basis of determining oneās election (which by the way had horrific ramifications for Christian ethics as well)ā Calvinism. Sibbesā approach, and his affective anthropology, i.e. the defining feature of man (i.e. where values and motives take shape), was directly contrary to the Calvinist anthropology that saw the intellect and will as the defining features of man, and actually saw the āaffectionsā as that which was the weakest part of man. In Calvinist thought it is within the will via interaction with the intellect that becomes enlivened by a ācreated qualityā or Grace. It is through this created quality of Grace that man is able to cooperate with God and thus keep the duty driven moralistic standards consequently proving oneās election and salvation (like Humphrey Mills lived under).
Conversely, Sibbes saw grace as a relational characteristic of God imbued upon the heart of man. It is through this transformative intervention that manās heart is changed (II Cor 3), and drawn to God. Note Frostās description here, as he contrasts the Calvinist understanding of grace and the historic Free-Grace (Affective Theology) understanding of grace (as articulated by Sibbes):
In this framework some additional theological assumptions were revised. For instance, Sibbes understood grace to be Godās love offered immediately (rather than mediately) by the Spirit to the elect. By identifying grace primarily as a relational characteristic of Godāthe expression of his goodnessāinstead of a created quality or an empowerment of the will, Sibbes insisted that God transforms human desires by the Spiritās immediate love and communion. Faith, for Sibbes, was not a human act-of-the-will but a response to Godās divine wooing. Godās laws, Sibbes argued, must be āsweetened by the gospelā and offered within a framework of āfree grace.ā He also held a moderately developed form of affective anthropology (which is as further explained by Frost: Augustineās affective position emerged in the Pelagian debate. Augustine held sin to be concupiscence of the heartāan enslavement to a love of self rather than God. In Augustineās anthropology the heart is held to generate values; the mind uses the heartās values to consider its options and to offer its best judgments; the will uses those judgments to engage in action. . . .ā)[4]
This represents the touchstone, and most basic understanding of historic Free-Grace theology, or Affective Theology. Some highlights to take away: Affective Theology (AT) believes man heart is in total bondage to self-love; AT believes that man cannot cooperate whatsoever with God in salvation; AT believes that until the heart is transformed by Godās love through the Holy Spiritās enflaming work, man will never find rest or salvation; AT believes contra historic Calvinist teaching that the emphasis of salvation is relationally based given the identification of Godās gift of grace with the work and person of the Holy Spirit; AT believes, given the relational basis, is not obsessed with proving oneās election since works are not the foundational component of ATās framework of salvation.
Iāll leave it here for now, there is much more to be said about this perspective . . . especially about the framework that served as the touchstone for Affective Theology. That touchstone is found in Ephesians 5, and the Pauline marriage discussion. The marital framework provided in this beautiful epistle is picked up by AT and pressed into as the picture, but more than a picture (actually an ontological reality), of what union, and thus communion with Christ, is all about. I.e. this is contrary to the covenental framework provided by Calvinism, and the ācontractualā implications provided by such a system (e.g. you keep your end of the contract, and God will keep His). The marital framework, rooted in the New Covenant, is no longer obsessed with personal performanceābut instead is overwhelmed with the beauty of her bride-groom [Jesus]āmarriage presupposes relationship, i.e. nothing to prove, just something to grow ināultimately finding consummation in glorification and celebrated at the marriage supper feast of the Lamb.
[1] Ron Frost, The Devoted Life: An Invitation to the Puritan Classics, Frost is quoting from: John Rogers, Ohel or Bethshemesh, A Tabernacle for the Sun (London, n.p., 1653).
[2] Frost, The Devoted Life, quoting from: William Erbery, The Testimony of William Erbery (London: n.p. 1658).
[3] Frost, The Devoted Life, 82.
[4]Frost, The Devoted Life, 82.





The Loci Communes was embarked upon, by Melanchthon, in April (1521). There were many printings of this work (i.e. 1522, 1525, 1535, 1541, 1543-1544, 1555, 1559, 1595), some of the prinitings were actual revisions, and others were re-printings. The important thing to note about this work, is that Martin Luther had high praise for the contents of it. And he believed that the Loci Communes should be canonized and included within the teachings of the Roman Catholic church. The actual contents of this work, were the teachings of the man, Martin Luther.
Melanchthon, with the anthropological understanding noted, asks the question, ” . . . whether the will (voluntas) is free and to what extent it is free” (p. 24). He answers that indeed man’s freewill is non-existent, and that this is so because of the doctrine of predestination. He provides many scriptures to support this doctrine (cf. Eph. 1:11, Rom. 11, I Sam. 2:26, Prov. 16:4, etc.). He believes that the doctrine of “freewill” flows from the teaching of the scholastics and the philosophers/theologians of his day. Thus he argues that if men receive the simple teachings of scripture alone, he will be constrained to accept the teaching of “predestination,” as laid out in the scriptures.
He discusses that the “modern Pelagians” are a little different than those of Augustine’s day. He says that the “modern Pelagians” do adhere to the doctrine of “original sin,” but they do not believe that this reality so permeates man that every action of men is sinful. Contrarily, Melanchthon points out that man truly is permeated by sin, in every aspect of his life. And that those who affirm otherwise are only deceived by the very avarice that derives their denial of such a doctrine. He illustrates his point by describing the Greek philosophers of old. He points out that what they considered virtues, were in reality vices, because they were driven by love of self.